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From the Popular Committee: interview with Mohammed Khatib | Print |
Written by Elena Arantes   
Monday, 06 September 2010 14:47

Bil'in Popular Struggle leader discusses his arrest and ongoing trial within the context of the Palestinian nonviolent movement

Ramallah 4 September 2010 (photo: www.palestinethinktank.com), Nena News – In the sweltering summer heat of Ramallah, Mohammed Khatib is working through Ramadan. At the beginning of this month, his trip to Germany to see his brother fell through: Israeli border patrol turned him away from the Allenby crossing to Jordan and sent him back to his village of Bil’in, even though he had obtained permission to leave the country.

Khatib, leading member of the Bil’in Popular Struggle, secretary of the Bil’in village council, and coordinator of the Popular Struggle Committee, was thus free to meet with NENA staff at his Ramallah office to give an account of the popular struggle, his arrest and the military trial he is facing.

Mr. Khatib, could you describe what has led to your recent arrest?

Yes. Bil’in, as you know, has been struggling against the Wall since February of 2005. From that time until now each Friday we have been holding demonstrations. People from all over the West Bank, from Bil’in itself, internationals, and Israelis come to participate, to protest against the Wall that is cutting off the farmers from their land, their source of life.

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Israel and Palestine: A true one-state solution | Print |
Written by George Bisharat   
Saturday, 04 September 2010 22:28

The Washington Post, September 3, 2010

"Where is the Palestinian Mandela?" pundits occasionally ask. But after these latest Israeli-Palestinian peace talks in Washington fail -- as they inevitably will -- the more pressing question may be: "Where is the Israeli de Klerk?" Will an Israeli leader emerge with the former South African president's moral courage and foresight to dismantle a discriminatory regime and foster democracy based on equal rights?

For decades, the international community has assumed that historic Palestine must be divided between Jews and Palestinians. Yet no satisfactory division of the land has been reached. Israel has aggravated the problem by settling roughly 500,000 Jews in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, eliminating the land base for a viable Palestinian state.

A de facto one-state reality has emerged, with Israel effectively ruling virtually all of the former Palestine. Yet only Jews enjoy full rights in this functionally unitary political system. In contrast, Palestinian citizens of Israel endure more than 35 laws that explicitly privilege Jews as well as policies that deliberately marginalize them. West Bank Palestinians cannot drive on roads built for Israeli settlers, while Palestinians in Gaza watch as their children's intellectual and physical growth are stunted by an Israeli siege that has limited educational opportunities and deepened poverty to acute levels.

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Sessant'anni di solitudine - prima parte | Print |
Written by Francesca Borri   
Saturday, 04 September 2010 21:25

logo_peacereporter

02/09/2010

Ezra e Ashraf, un arabo ebreo e un israeliano arabo, perché il primo passo è riconoscere sé stesso nell'altro

A. Non so, come - a volte. Ma come se il mio popolo fosse in guerra con il mio paese.

E. Il tuo paese?

A. Certo: il mio paese.

E. Israele?

A. Guarda che sono israeliano quanto te.

E. No che non sei israeliano. Guarda che questo è uno stato ebraico. Tu sei - sei: sei un errore di strategia. Anche Benny Morris. Ha ritrattato tutto: ha detto che è stato un errore. Il '48. Non arrivare fino in fondo.

A. Non cominciamo con questo '48: io sono qui. E sarò qui anche quando l'occupazione sarà finita e di là da quel Muro esisterà uno stato palestinese indipendente e sovrano. Quel giorno, io sarò ancora qui.

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Hamas, the I.R.A. and Us | Print |
Written by Ali Abunimah   
Friday, 03 September 2010 20:22

nyt-iht-masthead-logo August 28, 2010

GEORGE J. MITCHELL, the United States Middle East envoy, tried to counter low expectations for renewed Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations by harking back to his experience as a mediator in Northern Ireland.

At an Aug. 20 news conference with Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, announcing the talks that will begin this week, Mr. Mitchell reminded journalists that during difficult negotiations in Northern Ireland, “We had about 700 days of failure and one day of success” — the day in 1998 that the Belfast Agreement instituting power-sharing between pro-British unionists and Irish nationalists was signed.

Mr. Mitchell’s comparison is misleading at best. Success in the Irish talks was the result not just of determination and time, but also a very different United States approach to diplomacy.

The conflict in Northern Ireland had been intractable for decades. Unionists backed by the British government saw any political compromise with Irish nationalists as a danger, one that would lead to a united Ireland in which a Catholic majority would dominate minority Protestant unionists. The British government also refused to deal with the Irish nationalist party Sinn Fein, despite its significant electoral mandate, because of its close ties to the Irish Republican Army, which had carried out violent acts in the United Kingdom.

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The trials and tribulations of Bil'in | Print |
Written by Elena Arantes   
Thursday, 02 September 2010 20:59

Mohammed Khatib's defense calls in its witnesses to testify at Ofer while controversial military trials against popular-struggle leaders advance

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By ELENA ARANTES – Ramallah 1 September 2010 (photo: www.falafelcafe.wordpress.com), Nena News -  “Approaching Ofer is like taking a blow to the stomach,” attests Italian former Vice President of the European Parliament and acclaimed peace activist Luisa Morgantini*, describing her sobering return to the hulking gray walls and barbed wire of the Israeli military prison near Ramallah in the West Bank. First built in 1968 as a military base at the onset of the Israeli occupation, the structure was converted into an Israeli military incarceration facility for Palestinian political prisoners in 1988, shortly after the outbreak of the first Intifada.

“From the outside, the prison looks like a miniature version of the Wall around Qalqilya,” she continues, “and on the inside it looks like an agglomerate of large storage units. The prisoners are crowded into fenced-in tent-like structures, 22 men to a tent; many are being held solely under administrative detention. You see old mothers standing there, probably waiting to see their sons…anyone between the ages of 16 and 35 is not allowed to visit their family members here at all. It’s impossible for me to enter Ofer without thinking of all of this. I couldn’t help but think of the other trials I’ve witnessed here, the other prisoners that I know, like Adeeb and Abdallah [Abu Rahmah, editor's note] from Bil’in…Ibrahim Amira and Hassan Mousa from Ni’lin…,” she pauses.

“Then you walk into one of these storage units—it all seems like some sort of farce—but this is the military court room. Inside everyone plays at being very friendly and pleasant, and a couple of bored-looking soldiers are slouched over in the corner. There’s some sort of false aura of everyday normalcy; but underneath, there lies a tragedy, because Mohammed Khatib could well be condemned.”

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